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by Mikaela Brewer ​for The 44 North, Senior Editor


“In the Bathroom” by Raafat Hekmat, translated by Zyad Altaghlbi, and “A Timeline of Exile” by Maryam Ala Amjadi appear in “Broken Lines: A Gathering of Exiled Poets,” curated by Laura Kraftowitz & Edward Salem. Read the whole folio in the July/August 2026 issue of Poetry.


Artwork by Logan Brewer
Artwork by Logan Brewer

Note: These poems are not in the public domain! Please use the link above to read them. 


A few months ago, I came across Maryam Ala Amjadi’s poem, “A Timeline of Exile,” and Raafat Hekmat’s poem, “In the Bathroom” (translated by Zyad Altaghlbi), via Poetry Magazine’s folio featuring exiled poets. As Iranian and Syrian writers, respectively, their words have a particular heft now. 


Laura Kraftowitz and Edward Salem, who curated this folio, wrote in their introduction that each of the ten contemporary poets has “faced persecution, war, or genocide, as well as threats to their safety because of their writing.” In both poems, we visit the private places that these experiences burrow into the body and soul.


The lines in “A Timeline of Exile” wind and spill as the bloodline does. That first stanza brings everything in it to a “a single trembling point”—a question mark, line break, and stanza break simultaneously. How much more could a line tremble with what it holds and holds up? Later, we face that question, at least in part: What is the difference between red versus black and white lines? The poem posits this by noting both, but doesn’t quite ask or answer it. The ‘point’ is where everything starts: The red lines are crossed, whereas the words ‘border,’ ‘black,’ and ‘white’ imply impervious binaries and blockages. A border “can’t” be transgressed without moving from one ‘state’ to the other, irreversibly in time. The vulnerability of the assured readiness, addressed to a ‘you,’ is stark and frightening, but steadfast. It trembles, but it doesn’t hesitate, which threads through Hekmat’s poem. 


“In the Bathroom” shows us the preciousness of privacy and a longing to escape surveillance. There’s desperation, too, in the employment of bits of cotton or chewing gum to plug holes. And still that trembling, reverberating from Iran to Syria. Hekmat can’t guarantee privacy in this bathroom, and even if he could, would the body believe it enough to process it as such? This is trauma: The em dash points like a sniper gun with a zoomed-in visual from somewhere he can’t distinctly identify. In other words, the threat is everywhere. 


Ovid in Exile. 9.46 x 12.50 cm oil on canvas by J.M.W. Turner
Ovid in Exile. 9.46 x 12.50 cm oil on canvas by J.M.W. Turner

This poem also tethers nakedness—literally and metaphorically—to threat. To move within the range of hatred, control, and continued colonial violence is terrifying as the reach of eyes, weapons, and surveillance only seems to expand. The poem itself seems to be fighting to move within the range of anything else, to believe that it can one day live outside the range of the sniper, shell, or nearby explosion. And by the poem’s existence alone, it both does and doesn’t.


Together, these poems consider: Can we cross any line, whether through sacrifice, bravery, or safety, that’s far enough away or a sturdy enough door? Will that crossing ever feel far or safe enough in this world? How are these questions different for Maryam Ala Amjadi, Raafat Hekmat, me, and you?


And how does reading poetry help?


The trauma always lingers, forever the remainder in war’s cruel long division. “Broken Lines,” as the folio is titled, can refer to everything from lineages/ancestry, those crossed in protest, borders crossed in escape, taboos and the perseverance of derogatory names/stereotypes, tethers to worlds/lives, bones, healthy attachments to body/place, and ultimately, the line breaks of poems as poets write through real-life enjambment.


By reading these poets, we bear witness. We see language, craft, choices, and reality. We feel the draw of hope rather than despair, and how everyone has lines to break—lines that will allow us to build something like a poem in real life. That crossing, perhaps.


In tandem, I’d love to recommend Transient Worlds (Copper Canyon Press, 2026) by the current U.S. Poet Laureate, Arthur Sze, and Poem-a-Day’s translation-focused curation, woven together by Maya C. Popa—a dear mentor—for September. Translation, of course, is in conversation with exile, war, borders and the way language can face them. My favourite is Nikola Madzirov’s “Silence Comes Somewhere Else,” about which he writes what feels like a perfect closing to this short essay:


 “Absence is not silent. Poetry is the archaeology of unburied memories. Often, in my dreams, I see my dead mother coming home with bags full of fruit, while I run towards the apricot orchards. The scars of the unsaid appear on our faces while we sleep. My father still uses [my mother’s] old toothbrush to clean the edges of her picture frame on the gravestone and the letters of his own name engraved beside hers. This is his way of feeling more alive … like a poet trying to revise his already published poems, to create a new history.”

by Alaina Zhang ​for The 44 North, Newsletter & Reviews Editor


Via Sixth Tone
Via Sixth Tone
“One must have integrity—those without it are not worth knowing.” —Ye ShuRou, From Dear You (2026)

Growing up, I often wondered about my family’s history. The tales of lost generations and ancestors seemed to reside behind a screen of mist. I liked to ask my parents about their youth, what my hometown was like back then, and compare it with the history I’d learned myself. Sometimes the two accounts stand in stark contrast. Other times, they’re a mirror. Either way, these tales always had a mythical quality, as if they belonged in an otherworldly space and time. 


Watching the 2026 Chinese film Dear You with my family made me feel similarly. Dear You follows the journey of a grandson from Chao Shan, China, who ventures to Thailand in search of a grandpa he’s never met. What this journey unveils is a series of buried history between three characters—his grandmother Ye ShuRou, his grandfather Zheng MuSheng, and a mysterious woman named Xie NanZhi.


When the film begins, it has been forty years since Zheng MuSheng’s last letter to Ye ShuRou, in which a single photo of an unfamiliar woman and a group of kids is enclosed. Therefore, throughout the past forty years, Ye ShuRou has held onto the belief that Xie NanZhi, the woman in the photo, is Zheng MuSheng’s second wife in Thailand. From then on, all correspondence has halted between the family in China and Thailand. 



Instead, the truth is that Zheng MuSheng died a few years after arriving in Thailand, and Ye ShuRou had been a great friend of his there, helping him draft letters back home. The film depicted a history I had never known. Due to the Chinese Civil War, many ‘peasants’ decided to cross the ocean to Southeast Asia in search of better opportunities, and Zheng MuSheng, although a fictional character in the film, embodied that experience. 


Having grown up watching many Chinese films, I’ve realized just how entangled the history of a nation is with the personal fates of individuals. The era in which characters reside often determines the trajectory of their lives. Hence, lost relatives, untold family narratives, and misunderstandings are not rare occurrences. Each family has its own secrets and regrets—as China lurches forward, the ghosts of its past don’t simply disappear. 


At the same time, I was drawn to the film’s portrayal of literacy and education in tandem with immigration and family. Because many Chinese immigrants were illiterate, those who could read and write took up the responsibility to not only teach those who couldn’t, but help them draft letters back home. While Zheng MuSheng doesn’t know how to read, he’s the one who encourages Xie NanZhi, someone with Chao Shan heritage who grew up in Thailand, to learn the language and eventually become a teacher. Xie NanXhi then goes on to draft many letters for him to send back home to Ye Shurou. These literate individuals were crucial in leaving a written documentation and archive of just how much loved ones missed each other across the wide ocean that divided them. 



Dear You is a film about family, history, and education. But it’s also a film about two women and a man. What I loved most about it was the director’s intentional decision to steer clear of the idea that Xie NanZhi and Zheng MuSheng harboured romantic feelings for each other, making that Xie NanZhi’s motive for helping Zheng MuSheng write letters home. Instead, I appreciated the fact that while Zheng MuSheng was the thread that tied the characters together, all three protagonists are central to the story. Even after Zheng MuSheng dies, the string remains intact, and the two women meet each other in Thailand in their old age at the end of the film.


This simple narrative depicts an unconventional love story that’s so prevalent yet rarely portrayed in popular media. “Love stories” aren’t always about a couple—they can be about two friends, two families, people of the same origin in a foreign place, or even strangers who have never met. By defying gender norms, this story helped me see through the mysticism of stories from the past and how relationships between strong men and women were not always soap opera romances, but rather examples of incredible strength, mutual aid, and collective care that we can all learn from and lean on today. And even though times have changed, the medium of letter writing throughout Dear You shows how writing and language continue to be a beautiful way for people to connect and to express their love for each other. Sitting next to candlelight and reading the handwritten words from a loved one helps bridge the vast distance and time that stands in between. 

 

Sometimes, there’s no real villain in our past—only a series of unfortunate circumstances, misunderstandings, and lost voices amongst the rushing tide of history.

 

by Sylphia Basak for The 44 North, Contributing Writer - Politics


Protesters opposing Prime Minister Mark Carney's "Canada Investment Summit." Via Evan Mitsui/CBC.
Protesters opposing Prime Minister Mark Carney's "Canada Investment Summit." Via Evan Mitsui/CBC.

Editor's Note:


The following article reflects the views & analysis of the author. As with all opinion and essay submissions, the piece has been edited for clarity and reviewed carefully for factual accuracy, but the interpretations & arguments are the author’s own. The 44 North publishes an array of perspectives & voices to encourage and ensure thoughtful engagement with complex social, political, historical, and cultural issues.


"Deploying mass surveillance tactics, using intimidation and upgraded weapons, and isolating vulnerable people to specifically enact brutality on them is somehow never considered the inciting incident."

Amidst a jumping El Niño, an ongoing genocide and expanding war, following the summer of blazing forest fires and increasingly encroaching fascism, Prime Minister Mark Carney hosted a CEO summit last week. Over a hundred of the world's CEOs (including but not limited to BlackRock, Blackstone, JP Morgan, KKR and Barclays, as well as the CEO’s of Canada’s major banks—RBC, CIBC, BMO and Scotiabank) gathered to discuss the potential economic development of Canadian land. The "dealbook" for the summit centred on oil and gas, airports, infrastructure, data centers, and critical minerals. Reportedly, a total of 250 global asset managers managing a combined $120T in Assets Under Management will be in plenaries, backrooms, and the halls, working on deals without any input from the Canadian public. 



Once promised back to its people by the same party, Carney now allegedly intends to broker deals involving selling Indigenous land to foreign interests—for ‘economic growth’ in the form of pipelines—while several communities, such as Grassy Narrows, continue to struggle obtaining clean water. Given an increasingly unstable economy, sociopolitical and climate collapse, a large public outcry ensued following the announcement of the summit. Indigenous communities have pointed to ongoing struggles for basic amenities on First Nations’ reservations, alongside the fact that several of the invited CEOs are primary architects of the ongoing genocide in Gaza and expanding war and occupation in West Asia. BlackRock, for example, is a New York City-based investment company with billions in assets in the leading weapons manufacturers across the world, including Lockheed Martin, RTX, Northrop Grumman, Boeing, and General Dynamics. BlackRock’s CEO, Larry Fink, is also an outspoken supporter of the apartheid regime in Israel, quoted as saying “the world needs to get back its moral compass” and that there’s “no moral equivalence between what is happening in the Middle East broadly versus what happened to Israel on Oct. 7.” (The People’s Forum). 


Protesters outside the CEO Summit. Via Sylphia Basak.
Protesters outside the CEO Summit. Via Sylphia Basak.

Blackstone, the world’s largest alternative asset company, pledged $7 million in aid to Israel following the Al-Aqsa flood on October 7, 2023.


Banks such as Scotiabank and Barclays have been some of the top investors for Elbit, Israel’s leading weapons manufacturing company.


The summit took place near the Four Seasons Hotel and Art Gallery of Ontario (AGO). Largely organized by Indigenous leaders across Canada, over a thousand protestors marched and picketed outside. Speaking to CityNews, Kakeka ThunderSky, a member of Poplar River First Nation, travelled from Winnipeg to join the protest out of concern about fast-tracked environmental assessments and government policies that affect First Nations’ land:


“I came here … to confront Carney’s CEO summit to let them know that our lands and our resources are not on the chopping block for their profit and their benefit.”

 

Wet’suwet’en Hereditary Chief Na’Moks says Carney has used U.S. President Donald Trump’s trade war to build momentum behind his major projects: “Canada is getting very good at blackmailing the public,” he said, citing the Prime Minister’s argument that Canada needs to build more major projects to protect itself from predatory U.S. trade policy. “That’s their story. Their story is false, the same way that they think that these projects will go on without your support, without our support,” said Na’Moks, who has organized opposition to pipeline projects in B.C. (CityNews)


On the other side of the picket, OPP (Ontario Provincial Police) and TPS (Toronto Police Service)—in what can only be described as an opulent display of the increasing police budget—appeared to be the majority of the Public Order arsenal.


Via Sylphia Basak
Via Sylphia Basak

 

Orange Hats, one of the local organizations for protest movement legal aid, walks me through a brief but non-exhaustive breakdown:


  • At least 10 large transport units, several of which had 6 antennas each; 2 bulbs, 2 fins, two antennas

  • At least 1 transport unit with a zoom-in facial recognition camera

  • At least 3 drones, 1 per chokepoint

  • 8 mounted police (8 horses)


On the officers’ person:

  • Armored gloves 

  • Flexi-cuffs 

  • Gas masks 

  • Tear gas

  • Pepper spray

  • Handguns


As an attendee, it was clear quite early in the demonstration that OPP and TPS were gearing up to make mass arrests. Strapping on their armoured gloves, which are designed specifically for maximum impact, and regularly switching out officers with mounted police in the back, the entire vicinity was walled off in a chokehold as police poised to attack anyone who gave them a “reason” to. In my experience as a protestor and journalist, Toronto Police inflict a particular type of violence in the name of public order. When protests escalate, the targets are too often the elderly, women, and disabled people. Activists speculate this targeting is a means of manufacturing consent, wherein a crowd jumps to the defence of a vulnerable person, thereby giving police justification for unleashing brutality on the rest of the crowd. (Cop Watch and Tkaronto Swine).


While on this occasion police were fortunately not given a “substantial enough” reason to enact violence, the tension across the barricades was palpable throughout the night. As the skies became darker and legal aid at various intervals braced for impact, it too became clear that protestors were angry enough to do more than a rallying cry, but were perhaps bound by the confines of the law and the lack of structural preparedness in Toronto for protestors to defy it.


This show of force will not be a one-off. It feels like a threat—a warning for what’s to come as the right to protest is increasingly restricted, and law enforcement is allowed to enforce their will with increasing impunity. To prepare ourselves, let’s revisit what a protest actually is. 


What is a protest? 


Under the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms, the right to protest is protected as with any democracy. Specifically under Section 2b and c, the right to protest and freedom of expression:


 2. Everyone has the following fundamental freedoms:


b. freedom of thought, belief, opinion and expression, including freedom of the press and other media of communication.


c. Freedom of peaceful assembly.


The “right to self-defence” in the context of protest movements is still contested. However, throughout the course of history, surely we have long understood that law does not equate to morality. Haven’t we? 


State violence is daunting to confront because it’s most often rendered invisible. Retaliation is what makes headlines and drives arrest numbers. We’ve been taught to view the defence of our communities as an ‘offensive’ form of violence. But deploying mass surveillance tactics, using intimidation and upgraded weapons, and isolating vulnerable people to specifically enact brutality on them is somehow never considered the inciting incident.


Via Sylphia Basak
Via Sylphia Basak

Discomfort appears to remain the Achilles’ heel of the Canadian consciousness, which is perhaps why there’s so much hesitation when it comes to conversations regarding the current sociopolitical climate—and the tangible steps communities can take to hold our politicians and law enforcement accountable for the systemic harm they inflict on our most vulnerable communities. We—everyday people, organizers, and policymakers—often fail to build the necessary infrastructure to protect our communities in the wake of economic, political, and environmental collapse because we’re afraid to address why we need to do so. That infrastructure will only become more necessary with time; it’s crucial we face our discomfort with addressing increasing right-wing austerity—it’s here in Canada, too, through federal and provincial budget cuts to public social services, anti-immigration policy and rhetoric, separatist movements in Alberta, anti-Indigenous environmental racism, rising police brutality rates, and increased protections for law enforcement. At what point will we reckon with the unsettling fact that what we’ve been doing hasn’t been working as well as we want it to? 


We’ve marched, cooperated with the police, picketed and flyered, called and emailed representatives; many politicians haven’t budged. Canadian political organization, in many ways, treats mobilization as the ceiling and then wonders why it fails to enact tangible change. Canadian consciousness, specifically Canadian settler consciousness, is focused on the idea of a perfect victim—a fallacy deliberately created to neuter radical political movements, described by twitch streamer and political commentator Hasan Piker:


“And that is the issue at the heart of the matter; people want perfect victims. Whether they be Black people engaging in the Civil Rights’ struggle, historically, whether it be the forces against apartheid in South Africa, whether it be the liberation struggle in Algeria. The expectation from the white moderate or the expectation from people who enjoy the order that exists in civilized society, is that people are not supposed to fight back and try to even match the intensity or the violence of the occupation, the colonial entity or the forces of police brutality that are defending white supremacy. So, that’s the reason why I make this distinction. I want people to start thinking; what would they do in that situation?”


We have precedent for successful protests that are deliberately erased from history curricula, such as the Wet'suwet'en pipeline protests or the Oka crisis. Our protest history is led most often by Indigenous organizers who continue to bear the brunt of the consequences with little to no support or outreach—even from self-proclaimed allies in larger urban populations. In the Canadian context, political freedom for all can only be achieved through an infrastructure of solidarity between indigenous and other minority (settler) communities in Canada.


Much of the hesitation, of course, surrounds the conversation of “violence.”



My argument here is not an advocacy for violence, but of preparation for self-defence and what it might need to look like. This is protected under Canadian and international law.


Via Wikipedia
Via Wikipedia

Doing anything that truly disrupts our world order—which keeps anyone with relative privilege comfortable enough—will feel disquieting. It should; the imperial core is global, with tendrils in our country, and therefore has long taken issue with sacrifice. In Canada, it’s too easy to look at our southern neighbours, thank the heavens we aren’t as bad and carry on as though the same virus that permeates America is not the bedrock of our nation as well.


Organizing doesn’t begin and end at riots. Organizing, as proven by the many revolutionary movements of eras past, includes political education, food, housing, childcare, legal aid, and medicine. And perhaps most importantly, it starts with an honest conversation about where we’re failing each other when it comes to holding the state accountable. 

 

Over the next few weeks, there will be more marches, more rallies, and undoubtedly, there will be more police, more weapons, and more brutality. In itself, these actions may prove to be of little avail; the state doesn’t implement repression unless it perceives a threat. Like many Western governments, ours has recognized a shift in the cultural tide—that the systems on which they’ve built their power are collapsing. 


I could feel the anticipation at the protest outside the summit—an uneasy readying for revolt not just across picket lines. And thus, we all face perhaps the most vital question of our time: How do we remain values-driven, together, and prepared to exceed their expectations?  


Sylphia Basak is a journalist/writer and activist who uses a variety of mediums to convey the story she wants to tell. Her work prioritizes a decolonial lens, and seeks to counteract and analyze Western media and culture as a way of highlighting the primary contradictions of the current political climate.


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