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by Mikaela Brewer ​for The 44 North, Senior Editor


“In the Bathroom” by Raafat Hekmat, translated by Zyad Altaghlbi, and “A Timeline of Exile” by Maryam Ala Amjadi appear in “Broken Lines: A Gathering of Exiled Poets,” curated by Laura Kraftowitz & Edward Salem. Read the whole folio in the July/August 2026 issue of Poetry.


Artwork by Logan Brewer
Artwork by Logan Brewer

Note: These poems are not in the public domain! Please use the link above to read them. 


A few months ago, I came across Maryam Ala Amjadi’s poem, “A Timeline of Exile,” and Raafat Hekmat’s poem, “In the Bathroom” (translated by Zyad Altaghlbi), via Poetry Magazine’s folio featuring exiled poets. As Iranian and Syrian writers, respectively, their words have a particular heft now. 


Laura Kraftowitz and Edward Salem, who curated this folio, wrote in their introduction that each of the ten contemporary poets has “faced persecution, war, or genocide, as well as threats to their safety because of their writing.” In both poems, we visit the private places that these experiences burrow into the body and soul.


The lines in “A Timeline of Exile” wind and spill as the bloodline does. That first stanza brings everything in it to a “a single trembling point”—a question mark, line break, and stanza break simultaneously. How much more could a line tremble with what it holds and holds up? Later, we face that question, at least in part: What is the difference between red versus black and white lines? The poem posits this by noting both, but doesn’t quite ask or answer it. The ‘point’ is where everything starts: The red lines are crossed, whereas the words ‘border,’ ‘black,’ and ‘white’ imply impervious binaries and blockages. A border “can’t” be transgressed without moving from one ‘state’ to the other, irreversibly in time. The vulnerability of the assured readiness, addressed to a ‘you,’ is stark and frightening, but steadfast. It trembles, but it doesn’t hesitate, which threads through Hekmat’s poem. 


“In the Bathroom” shows us the preciousness of privacy and a longing to escape surveillance. There’s desperation, too, in the employment of bits of cotton or chewing gum to plug holes. And still that trembling, reverberating from Iran to Syria. Hekmat can’t guarantee privacy in this bathroom, and even if he could, would the body believe it enough to process it as such? This is trauma: The em dash points like a sniper gun with a zoomed-in visual from somewhere he can’t distinctly identify. In other words, the threat is everywhere. 


Ovid in Exile. 9.46 x 12.50 cm oil on canvas by J.M.W. Turner
Ovid in Exile. 9.46 x 12.50 cm oil on canvas by J.M.W. Turner

This poem also tethers nakedness—literally and metaphorically—to threat. To move within the range of hatred, control, and continued colonial violence is terrifying as the reach of eyes, weapons, and surveillance only seems to expand. The poem itself seems to be fighting to move within the range of anything else, to believe that it can one day live outside the range of the sniper, shell, or nearby explosion. And by the poem’s existence alone, it both does and doesn’t.


Together, these poems consider: Can we cross any line, whether through sacrifice, bravery, or safety, that’s far enough away or a sturdy enough door? Will that crossing ever feel far or safe enough in this world? How are these questions different for Maryam Ala Amjadi, Raafat Hekmat, me, and you?


And how does reading poetry help?


The trauma always lingers, forever the remainder in war’s cruel long division. “Broken Lines,” as the folio is titled, can refer to everything from lineages/ancestry, those crossed in protest, borders crossed in escape, taboos and the perseverance of derogatory names/stereotypes, tethers to worlds/lives, bones, healthy attachments to body/place, and ultimately, the line breaks of poems as poets write through real-life enjambment.


By reading these poets, we bear witness. We see language, craft, choices, and reality. We feel the draw of hope rather than despair, and how everyone has lines to break—lines that will allow us to build something like a poem in real life. That crossing, perhaps.


In tandem, I’d love to recommend Transient Worlds (Copper Canyon Press, 2026) by the current U.S. Poet Laureate, Arthur Sze, and Poem-a-Day’s translation-focused curation, woven together by Maya C. Popa—a dear mentor—for September. Translation, of course, is in conversation with exile, war, borders and the way language can face them. My favourite is Nikola Madzirov’s “Silence Comes Somewhere Else,” about which he writes what feels like a perfect closing to this short essay:


 “Absence is not silent. Poetry is the archaeology of unburied memories. Often, in my dreams, I see my dead mother coming home with bags full of fruit, while I run towards the apricot orchards. The scars of the unsaid appear on our faces while we sleep. My father still uses [my mother’s] old toothbrush to clean the edges of her picture frame on the gravestone and the letters of his own name engraved beside hers. This is his way of feeling more alive … like a poet trying to revise his already published poems, to create a new history.”

by Sylphia Basak for The 44 North, Contributing Writer - Politics


Protesters opposing Prime Minister Mark Carney's "Canada Investment Summit." Via Evan Mitsui/CBC.
Protesters opposing Prime Minister Mark Carney's "Canada Investment Summit." Via Evan Mitsui/CBC.

Editor's Note:


The following article reflects the views & analysis of the author. As with all opinion and essay submissions, the piece has been edited for clarity and reviewed carefully for factual accuracy, but the interpretations & arguments are the author’s own. The 44 North publishes an array of perspectives & voices to encourage and ensure thoughtful engagement with complex social, political, historical, and cultural issues.


"Deploying mass surveillance tactics, using intimidation and upgraded weapons, and isolating vulnerable people to specifically enact brutality on them is somehow never considered the inciting incident."

Amidst a jumping El Niño, an ongoing genocide and expanding war, following the summer of blazing forest fires and increasingly encroaching fascism, Prime Minister Mark Carney hosted a CEO summit last week. Over a hundred of the world's CEOs (including but not limited to BlackRock, Blackstone, JP Morgan, KKR and Barclays, as well as the CEO’s of Canada’s major banks—RBC, CIBC, BMO and Scotiabank) gathered to discuss the potential economic development of Canadian land. The "dealbook" for the summit centred on oil and gas, airports, infrastructure, data centers, and critical minerals. Reportedly, a total of 250 global asset managers managing a combined $120T in Assets Under Management will be in plenaries, backrooms, and the halls, working on deals without any input from the Canadian public. 



Once promised back to its people by the same party, Carney now allegedly intends to broker deals involving selling Indigenous land to foreign interests—for ‘economic growth’ in the form of pipelines—while several communities, such as Grassy Narrows, continue to struggle obtaining clean water. Given an increasingly unstable economy, sociopolitical and climate collapse, a large public outcry ensued following the announcement of the summit. Indigenous communities have pointed to ongoing struggles for basic amenities on First Nations’ reservations, alongside the fact that several of the invited CEOs are primary architects of the ongoing genocide in Gaza and expanding war and occupation in West Asia. BlackRock, for example, is a New York City-based investment company with billions in assets in the leading weapons manufacturers across the world, including Lockheed Martin, RTX, Northrop Grumman, Boeing, and General Dynamics. BlackRock’s CEO, Larry Fink, is also an outspoken supporter of the apartheid regime in Israel, quoted as saying “the world needs to get back its moral compass” and that there’s “no moral equivalence between what is happening in the Middle East broadly versus what happened to Israel on Oct. 7.” (The People’s Forum). 


Protesters outside the CEO Summit. Via Sylphia Basak.
Protesters outside the CEO Summit. Via Sylphia Basak.

Blackstone, the world’s largest alternative asset company, pledged $7 million in aid to Israel following the Al-Aqsa flood on October 7, 2023.


Banks such as Scotiabank and Barclays have been some of the top investors for Elbit, Israel’s leading weapons manufacturing company.


The summit took place near the Four Seasons Hotel and Art Gallery of Ontario (AGO). Largely organized by Indigenous leaders across Canada, over a thousand protestors marched and picketed outside. Speaking to CityNews, Kakeka ThunderSky, a member of Poplar River First Nation, travelled from Winnipeg to join the protest out of concern about fast-tracked environmental assessments and government policies that affect First Nations’ land:


“I came here … to confront Carney’s CEO summit to let them know that our lands and our resources are not on the chopping block for their profit and their benefit.”

 

Wet’suwet’en Hereditary Chief Na’Moks says Carney has used U.S. President Donald Trump’s trade war to build momentum behind his major projects: “Canada is getting very good at blackmailing the public,” he said, citing the Prime Minister’s argument that Canada needs to build more major projects to protect itself from predatory U.S. trade policy. “That’s their story. Their story is false, the same way that they think that these projects will go on without your support, without our support,” said Na’Moks, who has organized opposition to pipeline projects in B.C. (CityNews)


On the other side of the picket, OPP (Ontario Provincial Police) and TPS (Toronto Police Service)—in what can only be described as an opulent display of the increasing police budget—appeared to be the majority of the Public Order arsenal.


Via Sylphia Basak
Via Sylphia Basak

 

Orange Hats, one of the local organizations for protest movement legal aid, walks me through a brief but non-exhaustive breakdown:


  • At least 10 large transport units, several of which had 6 antennas each; 2 bulbs, 2 fins, two antennas

  • At least 1 transport unit with a zoom-in facial recognition camera

  • At least 3 drones, 1 per chokepoint

  • 8 mounted police (8 horses)


On the officers’ person:

  • Armored gloves 

  • Flexi-cuffs 

  • Gas masks 

  • Tear gas

  • Pepper spray

  • Handguns


As an attendee, it was clear quite early in the demonstration that OPP and TPS were gearing up to make mass arrests. Strapping on their armoured gloves, which are designed specifically for maximum impact, and regularly switching out officers with mounted police in the back, the entire vicinity was walled off in a chokehold as police poised to attack anyone who gave them a “reason” to. In my experience as a protestor and journalist, Toronto Police inflict a particular type of violence in the name of public order. When protests escalate, the targets are too often the elderly, women, and disabled people. Activists speculate this targeting is a means of manufacturing consent, wherein a crowd jumps to the defence of a vulnerable person, thereby giving police justification for unleashing brutality on the rest of the crowd. (Cop Watch and Tkaronto Swine).


While on this occasion police were fortunately not given a “substantial enough” reason to enact violence, the tension across the barricades was palpable throughout the night. As the skies became darker and legal aid at various intervals braced for impact, it too became clear that protestors were angry enough to do more than a rallying cry, but were perhaps bound by the confines of the law and the lack of structural preparedness in Toronto for protestors to defy it.


This show of force will not be a one-off. It feels like a threat—a warning for what’s to come as the right to protest is increasingly restricted, and law enforcement is allowed to enforce their will with increasing impunity. To prepare ourselves, let’s revisit what a protest actually is. 


What is a protest? 


Under the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms, the right to protest is protected as with any democracy. Specifically under Section 2b and c, the right to protest and freedom of expression:


 2. Everyone has the following fundamental freedoms:


b. freedom of thought, belief, opinion and expression, including freedom of the press and other media of communication.


c. Freedom of peaceful assembly.


The “right to self-defence” in the context of protest movements is still contested. However, throughout the course of history, surely we have long understood that law does not equate to morality. Haven’t we? 


State violence is daunting to confront because it’s most often rendered invisible. Retaliation is what makes headlines and drives arrest numbers. We’ve been taught to view the defence of our communities as an ‘offensive’ form of violence. But deploying mass surveillance tactics, using intimidation and upgraded weapons, and isolating vulnerable people to specifically enact brutality on them is somehow never considered the inciting incident.


Via Sylphia Basak
Via Sylphia Basak

Discomfort appears to remain the Achilles’ heel of the Canadian consciousness, which is perhaps why there’s so much hesitation when it comes to conversations regarding the current sociopolitical climate—and the tangible steps communities can take to hold our politicians and law enforcement accountable for the systemic harm they inflict on our most vulnerable communities. We—everyday people, organizers, and policymakers—often fail to build the necessary infrastructure to protect our communities in the wake of economic, political, and environmental collapse because we’re afraid to address why we need to do so. That infrastructure will only become more necessary with time; it’s crucial we face our discomfort with addressing increasing right-wing austerity—it’s here in Canada, too, through federal and provincial budget cuts to public social services, anti-immigration policy and rhetoric, separatist movements in Alberta, anti-Indigenous environmental racism, rising police brutality rates, and increased protections for law enforcement. At what point will we reckon with the unsettling fact that what we’ve been doing hasn’t been working as well as we want it to? 


We’ve marched, cooperated with the police, picketed and flyered, called and emailed representatives; many politicians haven’t budged. Canadian political organization, in many ways, treats mobilization as the ceiling and then wonders why it fails to enact tangible change. Canadian consciousness, specifically Canadian settler consciousness, is focused on the idea of a perfect victim—a fallacy deliberately created to neuter radical political movements, described by twitch streamer and political commentator Hasan Piker:


“And that is the issue at the heart of the matter; people want perfect victims. Whether they be Black people engaging in the Civil Rights’ struggle, historically, whether it be the forces against apartheid in South Africa, whether it be the liberation struggle in Algeria. The expectation from the white moderate or the expectation from people who enjoy the order that exists in civilized society, is that people are not supposed to fight back and try to even match the intensity or the violence of the occupation, the colonial entity or the forces of police brutality that are defending white supremacy. So, that’s the reason why I make this distinction. I want people to start thinking; what would they do in that situation?”


We have precedent for successful protests that are deliberately erased from history curricula, such as the Wet'suwet'en pipeline protests or the Oka crisis. Our protest history is led most often by Indigenous organizers who continue to bear the brunt of the consequences with little to no support or outreach—even from self-proclaimed allies in larger urban populations. In the Canadian context, political freedom for all can only be achieved through an infrastructure of solidarity between indigenous and other minority (settler) communities in Canada.


Much of the hesitation, of course, surrounds the conversation of “violence.”



My argument here is not an advocacy for violence, but of preparation for self-defence and what it might need to look like. This is protected under Canadian and international law.


Via Wikipedia
Via Wikipedia

Doing anything that truly disrupts our world order—which keeps anyone with relative privilege comfortable enough—will feel disquieting. It should; the imperial core is global, with tendrils in our country, and therefore has long taken issue with sacrifice. In Canada, it’s too easy to look at our southern neighbours, thank the heavens we aren’t as bad and carry on as though the same virus that permeates America is not the bedrock of our nation as well.


Organizing doesn’t begin and end at riots. Organizing, as proven by the many revolutionary movements of eras past, includes political education, food, housing, childcare, legal aid, and medicine. And perhaps most importantly, it starts with an honest conversation about where we’re failing each other when it comes to holding the state accountable. 

 

Over the next few weeks, there will be more marches, more rallies, and undoubtedly, there will be more police, more weapons, and more brutality. In itself, these actions may prove to be of little avail; the state doesn’t implement repression unless it perceives a threat. Like many Western governments, ours has recognized a shift in the cultural tide—that the systems on which they’ve built their power are collapsing. 


I could feel the anticipation at the protest outside the summit—an uneasy readying for revolt not just across picket lines. And thus, we all face perhaps the most vital question of our time: How do we remain values-driven, together, and prepared to exceed their expectations?  


Sylphia Basak is a journalist/writer and activist who uses a variety of mediums to convey the story she wants to tell. Her work prioritizes a decolonial lens, and seeks to counteract and analyze Western media and culture as a way of highlighting the primary contradictions of the current political climate.


by Mikaela Brewer ​for The 44 North, Senior Editor



after Natalie Diaz’s “Of Course She Looked Back”


In a small middle school classroom in Red Lake, Ontario, Rilla Fable was called upon to answer a question in English class. 


Cocking his head to the side, so that his ear became a funnel for her voice, Mr. Wilcox nodded as Rilla spoke. But it was clear he hadn’t heard her, for he paraphrased his own question following a kind smile. 


Rilla wasn’t one for speaking, really, at all. But Jack, who sat behind her and had turned thirteen first, said that she better be careful: Her vocal cords would surely dry out if she didn’t use them enough, catching fire like sticks rubbed together when she ever did need to speak. 


Despite what everyone else thought, her inner world wasn’t, likewise, silent. It was anything but. 


Rilla glanced out the window. The smoke was so dense that the teachers’ parking lot was no longer visible. She closed her eyes for a moment and listened: The brush fires couldn’t be seen. Nor could the snapping and cracking be heard. 


***


Rilla’s N95 mask strings were too tight, folding her ears down as she walked home from school. Her dad’s cycling sunglasses, with wraparound wind protection, didn’t block the ash from slipping behind her contact lenses. The fires weren’t far now, and the sky was thick with an orange haze that bled the sun’s light. Surely, the evacuation order would come soon. 


Rilla stopped, knelt, and thumbed a brown-singed red lily growing from the boulevard. She looked across the dry grass as she stood; the wildlife was scorched along the sidewalks. Summer gardens had scattered into crumbs across front yards. Tree leaves had withered to lace. Rilla swept a finger along her bare forearm: No sweat. The air itself seemed dead, parched in the 35-degree heat.


Taking a shortcut through a paved ravine without sidewalks, Rilla had to avoid the bluffs this time—closed to the public to delay the fire spreading. There wasn’t much foot or car traffic here, given the steep, uneven asphalt, but there was usually a wide river bisecting the road, continuing beneath it. Rilla could always hear it rushing a few hundred metres away, comforted: It always seemed to know which direction to run. But there was no sound, now. For weeks it had been nothing but a small stream, hardly even a ‘burn’ as Rilla’s Scottish grandfather would’ve called it. But nestled among it were the friendly faces she’d hoped to see—the real reason she took this shortcut.


Rilla stopped on the metal-plated bridge overlooking the river, smiling as she watched pots being filled in the stream, soon to soak and soften dried ramen noodles. The coloured tents looked like a carnival, and perhaps that wasn’t an entirely dismissive observation. Each person she’d met in the encampment had a skill to offer the group: Cooking, sewing, medicine, geography, and knowledge of safe injection sites. The difference was, no one lined up to see the brilliance they had to offer the world. Locals seemed to see them as glitches in their life: Stains, filth, and impurity. They didn’t see Tomah’s large brown hands whittling wooden brushes and spoons from fallen trees, or Mag’s knowledge of nettle, witch hazel, and willow bark, or the fact that she could make absorbent diapers. There was Jern’s dexterity with a knife and needle, crafting bandages and clothes from scraps. Arnold seemed to have a complete territorial map of the area in his head, all the way to Thunder Bay. And then there was fourteen-year-old Fariq, who made Rilla blush, and tracked the moon while he carried buckets of toothpaste water to be discarded away from the stream. Just now, he looked up from mending a shoe with thread and needle alongside Jern. His serious, dark brows unfurrowed as he smiled and nodded. Rilla nodded back, lifting her elbows from the bridge that overlooked the encampment to wave. Would they ever be seen past houselessness, or struggling with heroin, psychosis, schizophrenia, HIV, and more that Rilla hadn’t yet seen the impact of? She admired their togetherness and their skills, but quickly caught herself: They were worthy of care, belonging, food, shelter, and dignity—unconditionally.


Fariq waved to her, but it seemed sad, as if ‘goodbye’ in code. She had to go home, now. The sky was reddening. 


***


No one was home, which wasn’t unusual. As Rilla sat at the island on a bar stool, shelling pistachios, the kitchen saturated with orange light streaming in the windows. But Rilla stood to close the curtains as she did every evening: With her eyes closed, clearing shell residue from her teeth with her tongue. She didn’t want to see the sign across the street, today or any day, but just as she thought of it, the curtain clips clattered over the tension rod, and an alarming sound reverberated through the small townhouse. The evacuation order.


Rilla clamped her eyes shut and accidentally swallowed a sharp bit of shell. Her phone continued to siren, and the curtain clips seemed to reverberate their clanging in her teeth. She opened her eyes, just a crack, no wider than what was left of the burn in the ravine, and her gaze fell on the sign. One of those black and white, “Safer Ontario” signs filled with straight-faced, armed police officers in flapjackets. As the screen changed every day, it read abbreviated versions of, “Protecting Ontario neighbourhoods: Ontario is working to protect our neighbourhoods by tackling auto theft, clearing encampments, shutting down drug injection sites near schools and daycares, building more jails and strengthening the bail system, so criminals stay behind bars.”


Rilla winced, shook her head until dizziness blurred the image, and turned away.


“What do you think this means about remaining human, or finding the human spirit, in difficult times?” Mr. Wilcox had asked about Octavia Butler’s Parable of the Sower. 


“To grieve, prepare, and breathe,” Rilla had replied, recalling the fascinating etymology of that word ‘spirit’: The breath of life, or of God. 


There was only fire to breathe, now. Breathing would be hard—speech even harder. But Rilla’s voice had never been loud, and maybe it wasn’t a speaking voice she needed, but a quiet, generative one to disrupt the silence she longed for. One that says: Witness.


In the distance, flames cast ghostly shadows on the underbelly of the clouds. They flickered through the curtains like the sun through closed eyelids. 


What if they didn’t receive the evacuation order? Rilla wracked her brain for a memory of anyone in the encampment with a phone. 


Her rage churned from grief in her stomach, like cheese from milk. She knew her dads would be texting her that they were coming, driving towards the meeting spot they’d chosen that morning: Under the sign. It stood on two thick concrete poles above the seesaw, a sentinel on two immovable legs. 


Parallel burns streamed down Rilla’s face as she grabbed her evacuation-ready bag and walked outside, grateful, now, for the tightness of the mask.


Do they have masks?


Out the front door, Rilla could see the flames licking the treetops in the hills. Fire isn’t survivable. Rilla knew that much. It can’t be breathed, digested, or burned inside the body. But she was sure that’s what her grief felt like. Only when she was safe would she cough up the ash of all that had burned behind her. 


The anticipatory grief, it seemed, wouldn’t burn into anything but a stream in a ravine. Rilla scanned the county road her house sat on. Across the street, to the left, was the playground and the sign. To the right was the lip of the ravine. Rilla closed her eyes so tight, they squeezed out ash and salt. Hardening is human, whether into the charred bone of death, or alive into the salty-sting of regret.


Of course, when Rilla opened her eyes, she ran back.



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