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by Wardah Malik for The 44 North, Contributing Writer - Politics


Police officers at the Union Station PATH entrance
Police officers at the Union Station PATH entrance

"While the feeling of safety is difficult to pinpoint, what is known is that many transit riders do not associate police with safety.

Half of Toronto Transit Commission (TTC) riders don’t feel safe using the system. At least, that’s the impression you might get scrolling through Councillor Brad Bradford’s (Beaches—East York) social media. He has made transit safety a major pillar of his mayoral campaign, arguing for increased regulation. His latest motion to place police officers at every station was approved in March. Despite overall crime rates declining, Councillor Bradford maintains that “safety isn’t defined by statistics in a spreadsheet. It’s about how people feel.” If that’s the case, how do we know whether increased police presence actually leads to greater safety? In other words, can the feeling of safety truly be measured?


On July 7, 2023, a graphic video of a man being stabbed inside a Toronto subway car circulated widely on social media. In the shaky footage, a passenger can be heard yelling, "Help him. He’s stabbing him up. He’s killing him.” The fear in the speaker's voice resonated with viewers, many of whom cite the incident, along with other viral videos depicting violent episodes on the TTC, as evidence in favour of increased security measures on the transit system. These videos and images, while useful for holding individuals accountable, also have the effect of creating an environment of heightened unease and judgment. Online forums, in particular, have contributed to this dynamic. “Oh, another one?” one user writes in response to a March stabbing. “More poverty, more problems,” says another. Although reductive, these comments reflect and reinforce broader conversations taking place beyond digital spaces. Incidents of violent crime are being treated as a marker of the TTC and are increasingly being used to advocate for stricter policing of public spaces. In an article for the National Post, Councillor Bradford writes, “It’s the indiscriminate nature of these incidents that stays with you, the fact that in a crowded vehicle or on a narrow platform, there is nowhere to go when trouble begins.” 


Toronto police presence on the TTC subway system, January 2023. Via CITYNEWS/Sean Toussaint
Toronto police presence on the TTC subway system, January 2023. Via CITYNEWS/Sean Toussaint

For Councillor Bradford, the high-profile incidents of recent years are not isolated events. Instead, they reveal a trend and serve as a warning for TTC riders: On your next commute, you could be the victim of an attack. While the TTC insists that this isn’t the case and hundreds of millions of trips go on every year “without incident,” its own data complicates that narrative. In a 2024 annual report, the TTC noted that Special Constables made 215 apprehensions under the Mental Health Act, an increase of 9% from the previous year. The report described these apprehensions as responses to “calls received for persons who were in distress or posed a threat to themselves or others.” A 2025 investigation by CBC and the Investigative Journalism Foundation adds to this, finding that the number of reported assaults on Toronto-area transit increased by 160 percent between 2016 and 2024. 



The rise of violence on the TTC is difficult to attribute to a single cause. However, many experts argue that these incidents signal an urgent need for better support services for people struggling with homelessness, mental illness, and addiction. Often described as a microcosm of Toronto, the TTC reflects broader dynamics across the city and reproduces the tensions that exist beyond the platform. This means that high rental costs, overcrowded shelters and warming centers, and a growing housing affordability crisis will inevitably translate to more people using subways and streetcars as “makeshift bedrooms.” At the same time, the closure of supervised consumption sites has contributed to more visible drug use and discarded equipment across the TTC system. 

And although the TTC and the City of Toronto have taken action to minimize these impacts through the introduction of several programs (including community safety ambassadors and security officers), many argue that it’s simply not enough support. Frontline transit workers, specifically, have called for more overdose response teams, outreach and crisis workers, and mental health professionals to ease their burden and reduce the expectation that they act as social workers to counsel vulnerable riders and de-escalate emergencies. However, rather than responding more robustly to this call, Councillor Bradford and others who view policing as a means of creating a safer Toronto have opted to increase police presence. 


“We agree that the burden of responding to emergencies shouldn’t be placed on transit workers alone. However, we also know that police often escalate tensions on transit by, for example, harassing riders and using unnecessary force. Expanding police presence on the TTC contributes to a culture of fear within communities that are already overpoliced, such as racialized riders, Indigenous riders, immigrants, unhoused people, and people experiencing mental health crises,” Nico Nothwehr from the transit advocacy organization TTCRiders tells The 44 North. 


A case study by the Ontario Human Rights Commission reaffirmed these concerns, showing that Black people in Toronto were 3.25 times more likely to experience a Toronto Police Service check than White people. The study’s community consultations also called for greater investment in social programs rather than policing, arguing that reallocating funding toward community supports would create safer, healthier, and more equitable communities that are less reliant on police services. On the TTC, this could mean expanding community-based, health-focused responses that de-escalate emergencies and strengthen non-police mental health crisis services.


Past initiatives have already demonstrated the effectiveness of these approaches. For example, the Toronto Community Crisis Service (TCCS), a free, confidential, 24/7 mobile mental health crisis response service that is available citywide to people 16 years of age and older, received more than 29,000 calls for service in 2024 and dispatched mobile crisis teams over 23,000 times across the city. Notably, 78 percent of calls transferred to TCCS by 911 were successfully resolved without any police involvement, demonstrating that non-police crisis response models can effectively support public safety while reducing unnecessary police interactions. 



Still, even as advocates and community organizations continue to call for expanded, permanent support services and raise concerns about overpolicing, the TTC has steadily increased police presence across its properties and vehicles since 2021, arguably in an effort to restore pre-pandemic ridership levels. However, this strategy hasn't necessarily made riders safer. That reality makes it difficult to believe that Councillor Bradford’s latest policy will do anything other than target the city’s most vulnerable residents to create an immeasurable feeling of safety for a select few. In fact, over time, this policy will likely do more harm than good. It risks normalizing an expanded police presence in public spaces and making people increasingly dependent on policing as the primary model of safety. 


While the feeling of safety is difficult to pinpoint, what is known is that many transit riders do not associate police with safety. Policy-makers mustn’t ignore this and, instead, use it to guide consultations and engagement with riders on what truly brings about community well-being. And although a new TTC safety plan to implement a crisis worker program is a step in the right direction, issues beyond the platform need to be addressed as well. For Nothwehr, “[T]he most effective solutions will be upstream—like increasing the number of dignified and accessible shelter spaces, building more supportive housing units that use a housing first approach, reopening supervised consumption sites, and increasing funding for mental health and addiction supports.”

Wardah Malik is a Toronto-based researcher, editor, and historian. She is the founder of Historyless Magazine, an independent publication covering global affairs and underreported political narratives. Her work spans media, human rights, and community-based research, including projects on press freedom, public health, and gender-based violence. Her research interests include governance, decolonizing language, and the preservation of underrepresented histories. Wardah holds an MPhil in World History from the University of Cambridge.


by Sylphia Basak for The 44 North, Contributing Writer - Politics



Editor's Note:


The following article reflects the views & analysis of the author. As with all opinion and essay submissions, the piece has been edited for clarity and reviewed carefully for factual accuracy, but the interpretations & arguments are the author’s own. The 44 North publishes an array of perspectives & voices to encourage and ensure thoughtful engagement with complex social, political, historical, and cultural issues.


"Those who wish to dismantle Canada’s systemic complicity in the neocolonial world order must first understand the intricacies of how we uphold it. Especially as American fascism continues to socially, politically, and literally encroach on this side of the border."

Ahead of the FIFA World Cup, Toronto officials have unveiled a new $12.5-million police command centre—the ‘centrepiece’ of the city’s security plans for the FIFA World Cup (CBC). Other ornamentations of this new city arrangement ahead of the World Cup include a counter-terrorism unit, stationed with semi-automatic rifles at ‘key locations,’ though they don’t point to any specific ‘threat’ spurring this new wave of enforcement.


Photos of armed guards stationed in Toronto with semi-automatic rifles (CBC). 
Photos of armed guards stationed in Toronto with semi-automatic rifles (CBC). 
ICE via CBC
ICE via CBC

Most controversially, there have been reports and public concern around possible Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) officers patrolling Toronto during the World Cup, despite an official motion by Mayor Olivia Chow and the Toronto City Council to keep ICE out of the city.  It has been stated that officers will not be armed, however, many local government members and police accountability & immigration justice organizations are (rightfully) sounding the alarm given ICE’s record of enacting violence towards civilians, amid a stark uptick in fatalities and imprisonments. 

 

Many Canadians remain unaware that ICE, through Homeland Security Investigations, lists offices in five Canadian cities—Calgary, Montreal, Ottawa, Toronto, and Vancouver—operating out of U.S. embassy or consular locations. While ICE says their officers do not carry firearms or conduct arrests in Canada, their presence has raised serious concern among immigration justice advocates and elected officials. The Canadian government has done little to condemn the American administration’s use of ICE, amid documented allegations of abuse, including pregnancies of women and children in ICE detention centres ,  wrongful detentions, and excessive force and deaths in and out of custody, including the well-publicized deaths of  Renee Good, Alex Pretti and Keith Porter Jr. According to several reports, Canadian banks and pension funds, including the Canada Pension Plan (CPP), the Ontario Teachers’ Pension Plan, the Caisse de dépôt et placement du Québec, and Desjardins  have poured up to $35 billion into ICE contractors (COOP Media NB). Canadian collusion with ICE trickles down to even their armored trucks, an entire fleet of which have been manufactured by Canadian security transport company, Roshel, based in Brampton, Ontario, who have also invested in manufacturing armoured trucks for the Israeli government.  



Hannah Arendt’s concept of “The Banality of Evil,” was written about Adolf Eichmann, who participated in the January 1942 Wannsee Conference where the implementation of the genocidal Final Solution to the Jewish Question was planned. Eichmann was also responsible for the logistics involved in the mass deportation of millions of Jews to Nazi ghettos and extermination camps across German-occupied Europe. Despite the horrific, deep-seated systemic violence of Eichmann’s crimes, in observing him, Arendt describes a type of villainy not necessarily born entirely out of malice or sadism, but out of apathy toward others and a hyper-individualist need for power and status. A key point made by Arendt was that this was not a particularly exceptional type of evil; one would only have to convince themselves that they’re doing right by themselves and perhaps their fellow countrymen, to excuse atrocities committed under their leadership. 


Adolf Eichmann standing trial (Wikipedia)
Adolf Eichmann standing trial (Wikipedia)

Hannah Arendt was, throughout her life, a Zionist to varying degrees. And I understand the irony in using a framework created by her to understand the psyche of those complicit in Israel’s genocide of Gaza—especially since the trial she uses as a case study takes place on occupied Palestinian territory. In her later years, including post WWII, she became critical of evolving Zionism, arguing against collaboration with imperial powers, and that the implementation of a Jewish-only state would cause unnecessary conflict in the West Asian region. Though I disagree deeply with much of her rhetoric in this regard,  I feel hers is an appropriate and timely lens through which to look at the Canadian weapons industry and even at Arendt herself. As a reader, however. take her words (and mine) with a grain of salt. 


But, there’s  an argument to be had that this school of thought—which plagued Eichmann and his subordinates—captures something within the core ethos of Canadian politics, and perhaps explains our government’s willingness to continually partake in an increasingly fascist system alongside its more abrasive front-facing figures. 


Despite Canada’s global reputation for placidity, in addition to this country’s lengthy history of mass violence toward our Indigenous people and ethnic minorities who immigrated here, Canada has also made extensive contributions to the military industrial complex of Western nations.  


“Canada is certainly almost always ranked in the top 15 by volume of sales but that [ranking] is actually problematic for a number of reasons. One reason is that a number of groups that measure these things only count complete weapons systems, for example the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, or SIPRI. A lot of what Canada produces is in the form of components or subsystems. Also, there tends to be an undervaluing of Canada’s involvement in the trade because nobody has any idea of the volume of our trade with the United States.” 



Despite the recent disintegration of free-trade between Canada and the U.S., this government appears to still engage in a frequent flow of imports and exports when it comes to military weapons. Canada’s main weapons export to the U.S. and subsequently any U.S. proxies, being parts for the F-35 fighter jet. However, several factories covertly include weapons parts in their inventory. And despite the Canadian government's official statements, these weapons parts still find their way to the assembly line of Israeli weapons, where they’re used to carry out genocide, as concluded by Amnesty International and testified by South Africa before the ICJ, as well as reflected in the ICJ's provisional measures.



Image from Arms Embargo Now
Image from Arms Embargo Now

The  Arms Embargo Now coalition has published reports and evidence suggesting the government of Canada continue to have its hands in weapons manufacturing. Specifically, in facilitating the genocidal occupation of Gaza and the rest of Palestine, despite the Canadian government having claimed to ban all exports to Israel. Global Affairs Canada disputes several of those claims, calling them misleading, but the report has further intensified scrutiny of Canada's military-export regime and its loopholes.


Mélanie Joly, Minister of Industry of Canada via CBC. 
Mélanie Joly, Minister of Industry of Canada via CBC. 

In 2024, the Canadian Government announced it would no longer be selling weapons directly to Israel, Anita Anand, Foreign Affairs Minister is quoted as saying;


“Canada has drawn, and will continue to draw, a hard line: since January 2024, we have refused any new permits for controlled goods that could be used in Gaza. Not one has been approved…We went further by freezing all existing permits in 2024 that could have allowed military components to be used in Gaza, and those permits remain suspended today. The law is clear: no company may export controlled goods without a valid permit. We will not hesitate to ensure that those who violate this law face legal consequences that include fines, seizures and criminal prosecution. In other words, we will not allow Canadian-made weapons to fuel this conflict in any way.” After examining the report released on July 29, 2025, Global Affairs Canada officials have determined that a number of claims in the report are misleading and significantly misrepresent the facts…“Canada continues to deny any export permits for materials that could be used in Gaza…


We take any allegations of circumventing of Canada’s export regime very seriously and, if true, these would be accompanied by severe legal sanctions.”


Anita Anand, Minister of Foreign Affairs (CBC)
Anita Anand, Minister of Foreign Affairs (CBC)

However, the Arms Embargo report reveals several contradictions in statements made by members of the Canadian government, who have persistently denied their continued involvement in arms manufacturing.


According the report’s findings;

  • 421,070 bullets were exported to Israel since the Gaza assault began, including one shipment in April 2025 alone containing 175,000 bullets;

  • Three shipments of cartridges from a General Dynamics Ordnance and Tactical Systems (GD-OTS) facility in Repentigny, Quebec, including one that occurred nine days after the then-Foreign Affairs Minister publicly pledged that Canada would block munitions exports from the same Quebec company to the Israeli military; 

  • 391 shipments including bullets, military equipment, weapons parts, aircraft components, and communication devices exported from Canada to Israel between October 2023 and June 2025, according to data from the Israeli Tax Authority (ITA)—representing only a portion of total exports; 

  • Shipments from seven Canadian cities destined primarily for Israel’s largest weapons company, Elbit Systems and its subsidiaries, along with other Israeli defence firms including Elta Systems, WaldyTech, Snunit Aviation and NIRON Systems;

  • Around 100 international flights transporting Canadian components to Israel—64 of them commercial passenger flights where military cargo was loaded beneath civilian travelers on routes through Frankfurt, Paris, New York, Abu Dhabi, and New Delhi.


GTA shipments to different Elbit Systems’ subdivisions and Israeli manufacturers from April 2024 to July 2025. From Arms Embargo Now. 
GTA shipments to different Elbit Systems’ subdivisions and Israeli manufacturers from April 2024 to July 2025. From Arms Embargo Now. 

The data from the Israeli Tax Authority also shows that 175,000 “machine gun/handgun bullets for military use” were exported to Israel from Canada in April 2025. Since those bullets arrived, IDF soldiers and armed American mercenaries have shot and killed over a thousand Palestinians at food distribution centres.

Montreal shipments to different Elbit Systems’ subdivisions and Israeli manufacturers from April 2024 to July 2025. From Arms Embargo Now.
Montreal shipments to different Elbit Systems’ subdivisions and Israeli manufacturers from April 2024 to July 2025. From Arms Embargo Now.

According to Arms Embargo Canada, Global Affairs Canada (GAC) claimed to have suspended issuing any new export permits as of January 8, 2024. That August, GAC announced they had suspended around 30 existing permits, as well as having announced the discontinuation of new permits. However, this meant that shipments of arms to Israel were still allowed to proceed under the hundreds of previously approved permits. This allows for private companies the plausible  deniability to create new contracts by selling crucial weapons parts. This loophole allowed Canadian companies to continue to profit from Israel’s genocide while the federal government misled Canadians into believing they were no longer arming Israel.


Officials then shifted their initial statement, claiming only “non-lethal” military goods are being approved for export to Israel. This extended to drone components, surveillance systems, and communications equipment. This loophole is the first of its kind, and contradicts the Arms Trade Treaty and the Export and Import Permit Act, which specifically require that officials do not approve arms transfers if they pose a substantial risk of being used in serious violations of international humanitarian law or other such abuses.  According to an inquiry conducted by The Maple, GAC was also unclear on whether the suspension of weapons’ licenses applied to Israel’s other military campaigns in Lebanon, West Bank,  Yemen, and Iran. When reached out to, they declined to comment. 



Not only are the companies that manufacture these weapons parts existing on the outskirts of major Canadian cities, many other major Canadian banks and other conglomerates have until recently acted as major investors for Israel’s largest weapons manufacturing partner, Elbit.  



Demonstrated in the above charts, manufacturing and logistics companies such as Honeywell (Mississauga),  Dishon (Vaughan), General Dynamics (Quebec) and Lockheed Martin, who have an HQ in Ottawa, ship key components of machinery directly to Elbit and other weapons companies based in Israel to form weapons of genocide  with impunity. 


New and developing  military weapons are annually advertised and demonstrated at CANSEC, Canada’s leading defense, security and emerging technology events”. This conference, which is partnered with the Canadian Department of National Defense, also has private sponsors which make up substantial portions of the Canadian economy, including Bell,  BAE systems, Raytheon and the University of Toronto. 


Comprehensive list of 2026 CANSEC sponsors.


These weapons, which are advertised as “battle-tested” in Palestine to both national and international clients, are then deployed at will to all other proxies of imperialism, from Gaza to Cuba to Sudan, to the Congo and back here on Turtle Island. Protestors of the convention have been subject to police brutality and persecution, despite it being a nonviolent action, with 12 arrested last year, including a citizen journalist.


Protestors at the 2025 CANSEC conference. From The Fulcrum and Immigrant Workers’ Centre. 
Protestors at the 2025 CANSEC conference. From The Fulcrum and Immigrant Workers’ Centre

Protestors are also said to be attending CANSEC this year which will be running from May 27-28. 


Studies from Tracking (In)Justice and Carleton University further suggest that incidents of police brutality in Canada are on the rise.



CEO and founder of Roshel, Roman Shimonov
CEO and founder of Roshel, Roman Shimonov

The evidence suggests that contrary to Canada’s desired public image, this country more so acts as a transient stop—an intersection that links the imperial arms industry. And as intersected as these companies are, so too are the people who run them. Roshel, for example, the company that manufactures ICE trucks, is owned by Roman Shimonov, a Ukrainian immigrant who moved to Israel and worked in the “defense” sector. 


As uncomfortable a truth it may be, the philosophy of banal evil used by many western politicians, including those in Canada, bears a haunting resemblance to the type of banal evil used in historic fascist organizations and in men like Adolf Eichmann. Though perhaps not enacted to its absolute extreme, nonetheless the type of “banal” evil described by Arendt is still complicit in the behaviours  and actions of those who do gleefully express more extreme, genocidal intent. Too many even so-called liberals and progressives seem far too willing to toe the line, making peace with politicians who openly embrace fascist rhetoric and collude with genocidaires—so long as it benefits their career short-term. Our politicians have failed on even a base level to fully condemn the ongoing genocide Israel continues to perpetrate against Gaza, let alone impose full sanctions. Even as Israel expanded its genocidal campaign into the West Bank and Lebanon, even when Canadian citizens (foreign aid workers) were shot at and killed, and as more reports are coming out of Flotilla activists being tortured and assaulted by Israeli soldiers. And this is all despite the fact that support in Canada for the ongoing genocide is at an all time low and continues to decline.


Flotilla activists (CNN)
Flotilla activists (CNN)

Our politicians not only fail to condemn, but actively aid the US in its ceaseless determination to erode the quality of life (and earth itself) for citizens in the Global South, including their own countries in exchange for lobbyists acquiring land and resources. These reports and findings at their core expose the facade of polite Canadian Liberalism. ‘Canada’ remains one of colonialism’s primary beneficiaries through loopholes and plausible deniability. And it’s precisely this that allows the Canadian government to continue to impose colonial era policy onto the Indigenous population along with other minorities. 


Those who wish to dismantle Canada’s systemic complicity in the neocolonial world order, must first understand the intricacies of how we uphold it. Especially as American fascism continues to socially, politically, and literally encroach on this side of the border. How will our communities mobilize to keep each other and visitors safe should ICE test their capacity on Canadian soil? What can we as locals do to educate others on the weapons industry in Canada and advocate for its dismantling?


When Adolf Eichmann stood trial (ironically, in Jerusalem), Hannah Arendt remarked that his demeanour, the manner with which he spoke of his involvement in the holocaust, and his architecture of some the worst war crimes seen in modern history, was that of a man describing a mundane weather event. He was not a man of the shadows, twirling a mustache and rubbing his hand with glee in delight as he sent masses of innocent people to certain death. He was a man who went to work and did his job and did it well. He only required a certain amount of cognitive dissonance to be able to justify carrying out the crimes he did. His case, and the terrifyingly similar rhetoric of our own politicians, holds up a mirror to Western citizens. It forces us to ask an ugly and uncomfortable question, one which we too often avoid—lest we face the reality of how we might align with some of the greatest most terrible war criminals of living memory; 


What do I willfully ignore on a daily basis, to be able to enjoy my day, unencumbered by the realities of what we are complicit in? 


What comfort am I willing to sacrifice, so others may live with basic rights and freedoms? 


Sylphia Basak is a journalist/writer and activist who uses a variety of mediums to convey the story she wants to tell. Her work prioritizes a decolonial lens, and seeks to counteract and analyze Western media and culture as a way of highlighting the primary contradictions of the current political climate.


by Gillian Smith-Clark for The 44 North

Editor-in-Chief


Canadian Border Inspection sign on a fence
Canadian Border Inspection sign on a fence
"Young Canadians, in particular, are acutely aware of this permeability. Many consume U.S. news in real time, encounter the same viral footage, and experience the same unease when democratic norms appear fragile. The fear is not that Canada is identical to the United States, but that no democracy is immune to erosion—especially when power begins to justify itself rather than explain itself.​​

“Yet our greatest threat isn’t the outsiders among us,

but those among us who never look within.

Fear not those without papers,

but those without conscience.”

“For Alex Jeffrey Pretti, Murdered by I.C.E., January 24, 2026”


In the wake of at least 32 people dying in the custody of Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) in 2025, came the deadly killings of two civilians—Renée Nicole Good and Alex Pretti—in early 2026. The Orwellian echoes in the Trump administration’s response to both deaths reverberated far beyond the borders of the United States.


In Canada, and elsewhere, the reaction has been a mixture of rage, grief, disbelief, and deep unease. Not only because lives were lost, but because of how they were lost—and which lives were publicly named, mourned, or quietly omitted. Conflicting official accounts, disputed video evidence, victim-blaming, and the rapid hardening of narratives left little room for accountability, introspection, or restraint.


What has also gone largely unexamined is who has been missing from much of the coverage. Keith Porter, a Black man, and Silverio Villegas Gonzalez, a Mexican immigrant, were also killed in the context of immigration enforcement—yet their names have been far less widely reported. Whether through indifference or intention, this silence compounds the violence itself. It suggests that some deaths demand explanation, while others are simply absorbed into the background noise of enforcement.


What makes these events so unsettling is not simply that violence occurred; it is what they suggest about a broader shift in how state power is exercised and justified. When lethal force is deployed against civilians in the name of law enforcement, and transparency and accountability lag behind, trust erodes quickly—not only within the communities directly affected, but across borders. Minneapolis, in this sense, is not an isolated flashpoint. It is a critical juncture.


Over the past several years, immigration enforcement in the United States has become increasingly militarized, with expanded authority, aggressive tactics, and limited public oversight. Federal agencies tasked with civil enforcement now operate with levels of force once reserved for national security operations. At the same time, rapid expansion and accelerated hiring have raised troubling questions about training, qualifications, and oversight. These shifts have unfolded gradually, often justified as necessary responses to crisis or disorder. But their cumulative effect is profound: the normalization of state violence in spaces where civilians expect protection, not confrontation.


For Canadians watching closely, this raises uncomfortable questions. Canada often defines itself in contrast to the United States — as more restrained, more human-rights-focused, more humane in its approach to immigration and policing. And in many respects, those distinctions matter. But proximity matters too. The two countries share deeply intertwined roots: colonialism, families, economies, media ecosystems, and political currents. What happens in the U.S. does not stay there—not culturally, not economically, and not psychologically.


Young Canadians, in particular, are acutely aware of this permeability. Many consume U.S. news in real time, encounter the same viral footage, and experience the same unease when democratic norms appear fragile. The fear is not that Canada is identical to the United States, but that no democracy is immune to erosion—especially when power begins to justify itself rather than explain itself.


This broader sense of rupture was articulated by Mark Carney in his recent address at the World Economic Forum. Speaking to an audience grappling with global instability, Carney argued that the assumptions underpinning the postwar international order—shared rules, dependable allies, and a baseline commitment to human rights—can no longer be taken for granted. The world, he suggested, has entered a period in which power is more frequently asserted than constrained.


In that context, Carney called on so-called “middle power” countries like Canada to rethink their posture—not by retreating into isolation, and not by clinging uncritically to old alignments, but by building strategic autonomy: the capacity to act independently in defence of national interests while remaining anchored to core values such as human rights, sovereignty, and the rule of law. He acknowledged the understandable impulse toward protectionism, but cautioned:


“A world of fortresses will be poorer, more fragile, and less sustainable. And there is another truth: if great powers abandon even the pretense of rules and values for the unhindered pursuit of their power and interests, the gains from transnationalism will become harder to replicate.”


Strategic autonomy is often misunderstood as a turn inward. In reality, it is about resilience and choice. It means diversifying partnerships so that no single relationship becomes a point of vulnerability. It means ensuring that economic security and diplomatic decisions reflect democratic values rather than sheer necessity. And it means strengthening institutions at home so that rights are not contingent on political mood or external pressure.


The relevance of this framework becomes clearer when viewed alongside events like those in Minneapolis. When even close allies act unpredictably—or in ways that challenge shared norms—alignment alone is no longer sufficient. Despite the claims of a vocal minority, values cannot be outsourced, nor can accountability be assumed. Strategic autonomy, seen in this light, is not about distancing Canada from the world, but about ensuring that engagement does not come at the cost of founding principles.


Why This Matters Now

Borders don’t stop instability.

Events in the U.S.—especially those involving state violence and civil liberties—reverberate outward and cross borders. For Canadians, geographic and cultural proximity means exposure, whether we welcome it or not.


Values require action.

Human rights and accountability depend on both institutions and individuals willing to defend them, particularly when norms begin to erode elsewhere.


Strategic autonomy is about protection, not isolation.

It is the ability to act with clarity and independence in a world where power is increasingly transactional.


Young people are inheriting this landscape.

The generation coming of age now faces overlapping crises—democratic backsliding, climate instability, and rising state coercion. Understanding how power operates is no longer abstract. It is urgent and personal.

 

Final Thoughts

What is unfolding in Minneapolis is not simply an American story, nor is it one Canadians can afford to watch with detached concern. It is a reminder that rights often erode quietly before they disappear loudly—and that proximity to power does not guarantee protection from its excesses.


It is also a moment to think seriously about what both our shared and individual values actually are. A starting point may be the United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights, which reminds us that “the recognition of the inherent dignity and of the equal and inalienable rights of all members of the human family is the foundation of freedom, justice and peace in the world.”


Canada’s task in this moment is neither complacency nor moral superiority, but clarity: recognizing that human rights, accountability, and dignity must be actively defended, even when doing so is uncomfortable or costly.


Strategic autonomy, as Carney argued, is ultimately about responsibility—the responsibility to choose principle over convenience, to resist the normalization of violence, and to insist that power remains answerable to the people it claims to serve.


That work is unfinished. It must not be abdicated. And it belongs, in different ways, to all of us.

We can all insist on naming what institutions often erase—the people who disappear not only from life, but from memory:


“Somewhere, in the pitched deep of our grief,

crouches our power, the howl where we begin,

straining upon the edge of the crooked crater

of the worst of what we’ve been.”

“For Renée Nicole Good,”

killed by I.C.E., January 7, 2026



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