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by Sylphia Basak for The 44 North, Contributing Writer - Politics


Via Getty Images
Via Getty Images

Editor's Note:


The following article reflects the views & analysis of the author. As with all opinion and essay submissions, the piece has been edited for clarity and reviewed carefully for factual accuracy, but the interpretations & arguments are the author’s own. The 44 North publishes an array of perspectives & voices to encourage and ensure thoughtful engagement with complex social, political, historical, and cultural issues.


"Those who refer to these uprisings as pure violence miss protestors removing barricades for ambulances and firetrucks. It ignores men pulling women from detention buses, or handing looted groceries to the unhoused and period products to women. [...] In other words, this revolution, like all which came before it, has been driven by unparalleled, profound love."

For the second consecutive weekend, protests around the world have mobilized en masse whilst police and government forces continue to crack down on dissenters. October 24th saw nearly a million demonstrators walking the streets of France. Protests in Italy, Serbia, Albania, and more all eclipsed hundreds of thousands, followed by sweeping mass arrests and tens of thousands of riot police deployed. 


At the time of writing and publication, protests have erupted across several European countries: France, Spain, Italy, Albania, Serbia, Greece, Poland, Romania, and Cyprus. 


(A non-exhaustive list via Dazed below):



Initially dubbed the “Europe Spring” by journalist Ahmed Eldin, this recent tidal wave of dis-ease appears to have started in France, led by students protesting cuts to education. In tandem with other movements across Europe, it wasn’t long before the momentum spurred on other countries, inviting their people to respond in solidarity—channelling anger, rage, tension, and frustration.


According to on-the-ground accounts, protests in France escalated following an incident where a police officer fired a stun grenade into the crowd, resulting in a 15-year-old boy losing his hand. On October 17th, a nationwide call for mobilization resulted in citizens across France marching, barricading, playing music, and yes, eventually, rioting. 


Evidently, there is something to be said about October’s chill and its ability to ignite the revolutionary spirit. The days shorten and darken, and the people, at long last, feel their anguish is seen by something other than themselves. Political establishments have been stacking reasons to enact uprisings for as long as this generation has been alive, but certainly much longer:


The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) have been systematically implementing ethnic cleansing campaigns of religious minorities across India. Italy's far-right government has implemented several austerity-based policies which have rendered grocery shelves empty. Protests in Spain started over an 87-year-old woman’s eviction, her death following shortly after. Serbian and Albanian youth have long been protesting corruption in their governments. The systemic violence of these political institutions has cumulatively caused the deaths of millions and harm to millions more, both in their countries and abroad. It has ravaged our environment to the point of near inhabitability, and yet, it is our response which is deemed by politicians and legacy media as “violent.” 


Via Getty Images
Via Getty Images

Retaliation to violence is often used as justification for increasingly harsh police/military state tactics, and this recent onset of protests is no different. Marseille, Lyon, and Nice have now imposed curfews and a partial ban on protesting, while the Italian government is considering using biometric glasses to surveil crowds. Thousands in India have been arrested.


The narrative formed by politicians and far-right figures across the (Western) world has attempted to name Black and Brown immigrants as the primary culprits of rioting and looting. U.S. president Donald Trump was quoted saying, “...(France) a once-great country has been “conquered, looted, and burned to the ground by migrants, jihadists, and communists.” (Guardian)


French president Emmanuel Macron referred to October 17th as violent acts of “left-wing extremism.”


Of course, the narrative that immigrants are responsible for the riots contradicts uprisings in countries such as Albania and Serbia, which are significantly more racially homogeneous (white). These protests have gone largely under-reported. 


Despite a rather clear throughline between protests—namely, austerity budget cuts to public services such as education and health, government corruption, and foreign (American) interference in policy—there seems to be a concerted effort to report them as isolated, disjointed acts of violence, rather than a response to the conditions of living under a Colonial-Capitalist system. 


Headlines from legacy media reveal biased language favouring the narratives of their affiliated political establishments, leading with violence against the state and destruction of property. Before any additional context, “Unrest”, “looting”, and “violence” are terms used by the Financial Times (FT), Washington Post (WaPo), and New York Times (NYT) to describe the uprisings. However, true to precedent in mainstream reporting on left-wing/anti-imperialist political movements, invoking the imagery of “violence” is somehow never applied to what precedes the civil unrest.


A data report by NewsCord demonstrates this skewing of language and reporting from legacy media organizations throughout the protests:



As attested to by on-the-ground accounts, the organizers and demonstrators of these protests understand these existing contradictions, which is perhaps why legacy media has made such a vehement effort to discredit the nature of these protests.


Pictured are examples of some of the headlines used by Western media outlets:


There is and has always been a concerted effort to diminish the impact of Gen-Z protests and political organizations across the world. The youth of today are besmirched as “lazy” or increasingly conservative, likely as a means of discouragement from organizing in community. As such, many strides toward progress that our generation has made are delegitimized—even by our own. However, the reality is—clear by all on-the-ground accounts—that these protests have proven themselves to be incredibly well-organized, initiated by Gen Z’s “laziness.” That precision of organization and execution can only come from a thoughtful, acute awareness of economic strain that led to these protests.

 

Globally, the cost of living has, on average, risen 4.3% as of August 2026, while the minimum living wage has, on average, remained stagnant over the last 20 years; about 45% of countries experienced stagnation in minimum wages. Of course, this has exacerbated an already towering cost of living globally and contributed to fuel shortages.


Further, a notable double standard in reporting and general rhetoric around property and tourism fuels the incrimination of Gen-Z-led protests. Destruction of historic buildings is “blasphemous” in France and Italy, but a “byproduct of war” in Palestine, Lebanon, Iran, etc. Those who hand-wring over the disruption of their luxury travel and vacations too easily forget a citizen's right to quality of life. 


For some, the entitlement that the state and certain sub-sections of the population feel toward comfort—while basic infrastructure literally and figuratively crumbles—has harkened back to testimonies of life in Israel-Occupied Palestine. In fact, the conditions which catalyzed Europe-wide protests are a direct result of Western nations channelling taxpayer money into military and war campaigns throughout West Asia. For example, and more specifically: The targeting of Yemen and Iran, which resulted in the blockade of the Strait of Hormuz or the Yemeni Houthis’ (Ansar Allah) continued targeting of Saudi Arabian oil tankers as defence. These have resulted in oil prices ballooning to unprecedented levels—a 60% climb since the war with Iran began (New York Times).


As organized as states have been, so too have protests. 


Via Getty Images
Via Getty Images

Leading up to the October 24th protest in Paris, a comprehensive map and schedule coordinating the time and locations of protests throughout the city was created and posted to social media. There is a day shift and a night shift. There are legal aid and medical workers. There is class and national solidarity unseen in recent memory. An Albanian protester spoke of his regular contact with Serbians. Students of better-funded schools across France protested alongside those attending school in underfunded areas of the country. 


Those who refer to these uprisings as pure violence miss protestors removing barricades for ambulances and fire trucks. It ignores men pulling women from detention buses, or handing looted groceries to the unhoused and period products to women. It ignores the fact that these protests have been organized and sustained by a disenfranchised youth and working class who have spent their lives surviving chronic catastrophe. This generation’s coming of age is defined by political, social, economic, and environmental turmoil. It seems inevitable that there would come a day when that momentum cannot be quelled. 


In other words, this revolution, like all which came before it, has been driven by unparalleled, profound love.


Much to the chagrin of many world leaders—Trump, Macron, and Marine Le Pen—these protests have catalyzed tangible results. 


Serbia’s Aleksander Vucic has stepped down after 14 years, and the student party has taken the majority of parliament seats. Brazil has successfully re-elected Lula Da-Silva over far-right candidate and former president Flavio Bolsonaro, despite American interference. The French government has pledged funding for schools and admissions overhauls, contradicting the finger-wagging of mainstream political establishments, who did their best—in earnest—to convince the world that riots don’t work. 


Protests in Italy and Spain continue over food and cost of living prices, including riots cropping up in Bilbao, while protests across Asian and Latin American countries have sustained their cadence despite government repression. 


Via Getty Images
Via Getty Images

And while, yes, our movements have not achieved the long-lasting systemic changes we hoped for (yet), there has been an undeniably seismic shift in our social fabric: Against global capitalism, imperialism, in the increased support for police reform and abolition, in the embracing of queer identities, etc. Through movements such as Black Lives Matter and student encampments in support of Palestinian sovereignty, our generation has (re)exposed many of the chasms in social infrastructure. We would be remiss to act as though that counts for nothing—especially as youth around the world continue to revolt. 


As the U.K., several European countries, and the Japanese government urge their citizens to stockpile essential supplies, alongside Iran issuing instructions in the event of a nuclear attack, it is clear that Western leaders show no signs of relenting on war. As the price of essentials continues to increase and public services continue to be cut, protests against using taxpayer money for unnecessary war (all to avoid holding an apartheid state accountable for genocide) will continue to serve a vital purpose. 


Protests are meant to disrupt the social order until authority has no choice but to concede to the demands of the public. Establishments would render us cynical and distrusting of our neighbours, unable to imagine a world where we stand arm in arm, united against a common enemy, for this exact reason. 


Should coverage of these protests or any future ones halt, it will not be because protest and dissent have stopped. For as long as the root causes of these protests do not relent, neither will they. We should hope that action remains sustained. Otherwise, the alternative is a world in which a ruling class is entitled to enact perpetual catastrophe in exchange for the remaining power on a burning planet. Protests have proven effective, and we, as a generation, have proven we can change this world for the better.  


Additional Sources:


Sylphia Basak is a journalist/writer and activist who uses a variety of mediums to convey the story she wants to tell. Her work prioritizes a decolonial lens, and seeks to counteract and analyze Western media and culture as a way of highlighting the primary contradictions of the current political climate.


by Catherine Mwitta for The 44 North, Contributing Writer - Politics


This article is the second in a series addressing four key challenges the next generation of Ontarians will face: Climate catastrophe, education reform, the housing crisis, and career opportunities.


Photograph by mana5280
Photograph by mana5280

Editor's Note:


The following article reflects the views & analysis of the author. As with all opinion and essay submissions, the piece has been edited for clarity and reviewed carefully for factual accuracy, but the interpretations & arguments are the author’s own. The 44 North publishes an array of perspectives & voices to encourage and ensure thoughtful engagement with complex social, political, historical, and cultural issues.


In 2022, youth unemployment rates hit a record low. By 2025, 437,000 people aged 15 to 24 were unemployed and looking for work, up 57 percent from 290,000 in 2022. Today, Canada's unemployment rate is at 6.5 percent, up 0.1 percent from Aug 2026. The Canadian economy lost 68,000 jobs in September, 48,000 of those lost among youth aged 15-24. Young people remained unemployed the longest, with teenagers hit hardest.


Such drastic changes could be attributed to government policy shifts, including Parliament raising immigration quotas and loosening restrictions on international students' work weeks. The Fraser Institute argues that an influx of Canadian residents and higher wages have led employers to hire more qualified workers. In 2026, competition has increased as more experienced workers laid off by U.S. tariffs—along with tech companies replacing employees with artificial intelligence (AI)—reenter the job market.


Other factors behind this large loss of youth jobs include reduced entry-level hiring. Many roles labelled as "entry-level" now demand two to five years of prior experience, transforming them into mid-level positions at junior-level pay. 



Dispelling myths 


It’s false that artificial intelligence is the main contributor to rising youth unemployment. No current evidence shows that adopting AI in the workforce has caused extensive job losses in Canada. 


A Statistics Canada survey found that 19.2 percent of Canadian businesses used AI to produce goods or provide services. 25.2 percent of businesses plan to use AI over the next 12 months, up from 10.6 percent in Q3 2024, while 22.1 percent of businesses are unsure about future AI adoption and 52.7 percent do not plan to use it. Only 8 percent of businesses use AI significantly in core operations; 50 percent use it to a low or moderate degree.


AI use in the workplace is still rapidly developing and may have a greater impact on the early-career squeeze in the future. However, the general public’s thoughts on AI at the moment mirror preconceived notions of what society would look like after the Industrial Revolution.


The history of labour in Canada 


In the early 19th century, the fur trade and exploitation of Canada’s other natural resources, such as logging and fishing, were the main sources of work besides agriculture. The second industry, the apprenticeship system, accounted for 10 percent of the urban labour force. After the Industrial Revolution, work shifted from producing life’s staples to earning a living; demand for unskilled and skilled workers grew rapidly. 


With the rise of factories came the rise of the working class. Boys and girls were expected to work; women and children were paid less than men; long hours were often the primary complaints of factory workers; dangerous working conditions and beatings from employers were commonplace.


During this time, Canada had approximately 165 labour organizations. They campaigned for better working conditions, and workers organized many strikes to improve their rights. By 1956, the Canadian Labour Congress was founded through the merger of two major labour bodies: The Trades and Labour Congress of Canada and the Canadian Congress of Labour. The merger created a single, unified national voice for Canadian workers. 


Canada's labour laws have continued to improve since, but some argue the government’s current efforts are not enough. 



The future of the job market


Labour unions and the Canadian government may misunderstand Canadians' frustrations with the job market—it’s undergoing another revolution similar to the Industrial Revolution. As such, it feels impossible to guess what the economic landscape will be in a decade. What will “work” look like in the future of transnational employment, labour globalization, and AI integration in the workplace? What shifts will be needed to rebalance the entry-level jobs available to youth, and bring the workplace into equilibrium? Thankfully, the forecasts aren’t hopeless, though change might be a few years away.


The 2025 World Economic Forum Future of Jobs Report predicts a decline in cashiers, ticket clerks and other clerical roles, including postal service clerks, bank tellers and data entry clerks. Some existing industries expected to grow the most are farmworkers, delivery drivers, construction workers and salespersons. “Baby Boomers,” the largest and oldest generation of our population, will drive demand for care economy jobs such as nursing, social work, counselling, and personal care aides, which are also expected to grow significantly over the next five years.


World Economic Forum, Future of Jobs Survey 2024
World Economic Forum, Future of Jobs Survey 2024

Technical, environmentally friendly, and AI-integrated positions will become commonplace on job boards like Indeed. Likewise, the gig economy will replace traditional roles; temporary, freelance, and project-based contracts will allow people to have flexible careers across multiple industries.


In the near future, youth applying for jobs could consider roles in healthcare as personal support workers, nurse practitioners, and mental health professionals. The second industry to expand in the coming years is tech. In post-secondary school, teens could consider specializing in Cybersecurity and AI for long-term career security. Lastly, Natural Resources Canada projects 130,000 additional job openings in electricity and renewable energy between 2028 and 2050, such as solar and wind power, which will be another industry for young people to look for work stability. 


The most positive shifts in the job market will hopefully be workplace flexibility, which shapes how, when and where people work; skills-based hiring, which connects workers to more opportunities based on their abilities rather than traditional credentials; and lifelong, continuous learning for long-term career growth.


In part three of this four-part series looking into the future, I’ll be diving into Canada’s environmental future and how climate change will impact young Canadian’s livelihoods.

Catherine Mwitta has a bachelor’s in creative writing from Kwantlen Polytechnic University and a certification in Journalism from Langara College. She is an editor at Augur Magazine and INKspire. Likewise, bylines at Stir Vancouver, SAD Mag, This Magazine, C Magazine and Bluffs Monitor.


by Asante Haughton for The 44 North, Emotional Health Editor, Contributing Writer, and Host of Life Outside the Box


This essay is the third in a three-part project on modern-day misogyny. You can read our introduction and the other two essays by Jeff Perera and Cole Martin in our October-November 2026 issue, or follow our newsletter to receive them directly in your inbox.



When I first heard about the “rape academy” web networks, I was shocked that such a thing could exist. Surely, as a society, we couldn’t—wouldn’t—allow something like this to fester. However, not only did it exist, but as I learned after a quick Google search, it was an extensive community that had proliferated for years before being ‘exposed.’ I put ‘exposed’ in quotations because this community of men, who traded strategies on how to incapacitate women without their knowledge to perform sex acts or other acts of humiliation, operated openly. This wasn’t happening in the shadowed back alleys of the internet, but right under its streetlights, roots above ground and unmasked. All we had to do to find it was look. So why, as a society, weren’t we looking?


When it comes to child protection, the watchful eye of society is perpetually alert. As such, the networks of individuals that seek to harm children operate underground, carefully concealed from the gaze of bystanders and the law. Even when we look, it’s hard to find them.


By contrast, as reported by CNN, the “rape academy” and other similar networks branched out rather publicly on the Telegram messaging app, as well as multiple popular porn sites (that I have made the decision not to mention here). Why weren’t they hiding? There is a reason they didn’t even bother.


The most obvious answer is sobering: They didn’t need to. Nobody was looking. And it’s not because the need to look wasn’t there. 


According to a 2025 Statistics Canada report, 49% of women aged 25 to 34 have experienced at least one sexual assault. In 91% of these cases, the perpetrator was a man. 


We should have been looking.


That we weren’t, or that we were too slow,  says something about whose safety society deems urgent: We didn’t find it important enough to look; we don’t value women enough in our society to look. This is a pervasive cultural problem.


And it leaves us with two issues to tackle.


In the immediate term, we must do everything we can to prevent online communities housing men who harm women from operating. One idea is to expand the breadth of Canada’s Mandatory Reporting Act. Currently, this act requires internet service providers to report to law enforcement any IP addresses or web domains where child sexual abuse and exploitation material is suspected to be available. This act needs to adopt similar mandates obligating internet service providers to report when cyber spaces depicting or facilitating harm toward women are found. To ensure these mandates are followed, government officials and policymakers should levy painful fines upon internet service providers who neglect to comprehensively regulate user activities, particularly if such neglect leads to harm or could feasibly lead to harm against women via their networks. Actions such as these could catalyze further prevention approaches,  halting online communities promoting violence against women from taking root.


In the longer term, we as a society must address the seed that threatens to take root in the first place. It’s vital that we eviscerate patriarchal pedagogies that position a devastating normalization: That women are vessels whose most important function is to serve men—instrumentally, sexually, or otherwise. We must then replace these deeply embedded societal beliefs with notions that consider women to have inherent worth equal to all other human beings. In simpler terms, we need to enact a complete cultural overhaul to address misogyny—the kind that teaches scores of men that exploiting women physically and emotionally is acceptable, as well as the kind that doesn’t value them enough to write measures that would protect them from exploitation online (or elsewhere) into law.


Platform design, regulation, recommendation systems, and legal profit incentives can all be interrogated, excavated, and revised as such to better reflect what we value—once we commit, decisively, to valuing it out in the open. That’s where men who harm women are circulating violence and expressing what they don’t value. We need to confront them there with what we do. 


If we say protect all women, our values and actions as a society need to demonstrate that we mean it. 

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